For some time, fledgling parties on the
political map have been centrist. After
all, even the South African Communist Party is ensconced in the ruling alliance
that is brought to you by Neoliberalism.
Some of the ANC’s top cadres are from the SACP, which many believe would
not fare well if it contested an election on is own. These ministers live in the same “fat cat”
fashion that the ANC is known for – saying one thing about lifestyle audits and
doing another (rather like Breshnev in the heyday of scientific socialism).
Then there are the trade unionists. They are said to be toying with the idea of
forming a Labour Party for the next election, but again, they have been
ensconced in the ruling alliance. Until
recently when some principled unionists have raised the question whether they
belong in a ruling alliance that espouses Neoliberalism.
Few are their voices – those diehard Leftists
like Tony Benn of the UK,
who died recently. He is remembered as
“champion of the powerless. The British
PM said: He was a magnificent writer,
speaker, diarist and campaigner, with a strong record of public and political
service.”
Labour Party leader Ed Miliband said: “Tony Benn spoke his mind and spoke up for
his values. Whether you agreed with him
or disagreed with him, everyone knew where he stood and what he stood for. For someone of such strong views, often at
odds with his party, he won respect from across the political spectrum. This was because of his unshakable beliefs and
his abiding determination that power and the powerful should be held to
account.”
This sounds a bit little like the trade
unionist leader Vavi, who declined to be listed in the national executive
council of the ANC. But such principled
leaders are rare. Tony Benn was elected
to the House of Commons at 25, but his parliamentary career seemed to come to
an abrupt end in 1961 when his father died.
As the new Viscount Stansgate, he was barred from the Commons so that he
could take up membership in the unelected upper House of Lords. For three years he battled to change the law
to allow hereditary peers to renounce their titles. Voters in his parliamentary district of
Bristol West elected him once more, even though he couldn’t take his seat in
the Commons. In 1963, the bill passed,
and the Times of London declared, “Lord Stansgate will be Mr. Benn today.”
Benn favoured abolition of the monarchy,
British withdrawal from the European Union, and any strike that was going,
hadn’t changed. His image evolved from a
demonized figure in the 70s and 80s to that often-treasured English archetype: the radical dissenter. Tony Benn renounced his aristocratic title
rather than leave the House of Commons.
Enter the radical dissenter
While the parallels with principled
Leftists are few among those running the incumbent alliance, a wave of populism
is rising behind a new party called the Economic Freedom Fighters. They are led by a firebrand young leader
called Julius Malema. There are some
amazing parallels between him and Canada’s Tommy Douglas, who was regarded
by many as its most influential citizen ever.
He formed the first social democratic government ever in North America - the CCF stood for Co-operative
Commonwealth Federation. It promoted
co-op models - from agriculture to banking.
The CCF party went on to win five consecutive provincial elections in Saskatchewan.
His roots were in the church – his career,
which started as a Baptist minister, coincided with the beginning of the Great
Depression. At that time, farming had
not mechanized to the extent that it has since, so Saskatchewan was the third
most populous province in Canada (900 000 people in 1930). It was populated by farmers from all around
the world, who had converged on the Canadian prairies following the launch of Durham wheat in the 1890s
- which could be grown at such northern latitudes.
As a man of the cloth during that era, he
was no stranger to humanitarian assistance.
He spent a lot of his time working with youth and the unemployed. As a pastor he wanted to fight for social
justice as well, but his church forced him to choose between running for public
office and the ministry. So he decided
to run in his Weyburn riding for a new party called the CCF - in national
elections. He was elected by his riding and
cut his teeth in politics as an MP representing his constituency in the
national capital, Ottawa.
Some amazing parallels with Julius Malema
begin here. Both entered politics as youth.
In fact, Malema was the leader of the ANC youth league and still has
solid support from his core constituency – youth. However, like Douglas,
his elders/bosses ran him out of the organization that he loved – so he decided
to run for office on the merits of his own track record and convictions. His is the youngest of all party leaders, and
by far the best speaker.
The EFF party was launched, symbolically,
in Marikana. This is another striking parallel
(pun intended). For it was the hostility
towards miners of the police collaborating with mine owners – during a strike
at Estavan, Saskatchewan – that had shook Douglas out of his complacency and
comfort as a church leader, into the political arena.
When the CCF later decided to run a full
slate of candidates in the provincial elections, Douglas
decided to resign as a national MP and lead the party in his province. He ran on a platform of “public
ownership”. This in not unlike the
Economic Freedom Fighters, whose manifesto includes nationalizing some mines,
and expropriating some farms. Thus its
critics dubbed the CCF “Communize Canada through Fear”. Douglas
responded that it rather stood for “Children Come First”.
His detractors tried to label him a Bolshevik,
a Communist, and so forth. (One has to
remember that the great excesses of Lenin had not yet come to light in the
1930s and Stalin had just come to power.)
But he was not an ideologue - he was basically a kind, honest,
forward-looking chap… a straight-ahead guy.
He did not finish high school before entering an apprenticeship in the
printing trade. But he completed his
studies in order to enter seminary, where he merged the evangelical and social
gospels.
Is Malema a Marxist? or a populist? If by “populist” one means a politician who
listens to people’s grievances and builds their platform based on that, then
the parallels with the CCF continue. Douglas called it “a struggle for economic
democracy”. The EFF says that South Africa
has gained political independence but not economic freedom. This is reminiscent of Douglas’s
famous fable about Mouseland. The mice kept electing a government of “fat
black cats”… when they could no longer bear it, they voted in a government – of
white cats! (The order should be
reversed when Malema’s re-tells the story!)
Until finally one brave mouse came up with a radical new idea – why not
form a government composed of mice? For
which he is locked up by the cats. This
parable concludes that while both mice and men can be locked up – you can’t lock up an idea.
This is very significant for both Douglas
and Malema. The CCF government
introduced agricultural cooperatives, credit unions, car insurance, minimum
wage, paid holidays, unemployment insurance into Saskatchewan’s economy. Not to mention education for all and Medicare
as part of its social security system.
Quite frankly, while “scientific socialism” collapsed a few decades
later, CCF ideas have become the gold
standard of modern democracies.
Douglas never lost a provincial election.
After five consecutive victories and the introduction of his flagship
Medicare, he decided to move back into national politics. He became the first leader of the NDP –
formed by merging the CCF (stronger in the west) with the Labour movement
(stronger in the east). The same thing
is now in gestation in South
Africa.
About half of COSATU’s members have already started withholding their
dues from the ANC, and given notice of departure. That is distinct from the emergence of the
EFF, and more ideological. Malema is
leading a populist movement that is grievence-driven. Why not?
South Africa is
passing through tough times of high unemployment not unlike the “dirty
thirties” in Canada. This creates conditions for the mice to ask:
why do we keep voting in governments composed of fat cats?!
The NDP has never won a national election
in Canada,
though. Today it does form the official
Opposition (second place) and it has formed governments in several
provinces. In various minority-government
scenarios, it has held the balance of power and used that to further people-centred
causes. For example, Medicare went
national under Lester Pearson while Douglas
was leading the NDP, holding the balance of power in Parliament. You
can’t lock up an idea.
The consecutive CCF governments in Saskatchewan were
fiscally sound and eventually eradicated a heavy provincial debt that was
inherited from the previous Liberals.
There is no reason to suppose that the EFF cannot find creative
solutions to gain more economic equality while at the same time being fiscally
responsible. The two are not mutually
exclusive. Douglas
proved that to posterity. Yes it could
mean increasing taxation, nationalizing some mines or expropriating some
farms. Ultimately, the greater good must
prevail. There is no need to completely abandon
capitalism in exchange for socialism.
Home-grown solutions in a mixed economy can work just fine. Nkrume said that Africa
does not need to look to the East, or to the West – it needs to look ahead.
One great leap forward would be to reduce
waste and corruption. Nkandla has become
an emblem in this respect. As premier of
Saskatchewan, the official car that Douglas used was a Dodge.
He did not use a Cadillac. When
asked what epitaph he would like on his gravestone, Douglas
replied: “He loved people”. You cannot
steal from people you love, or cheat them.
Nor can you waste what belongs to them.
He once summed up his credo by saying that what matters most is how we
look out for each other, not how we look out for ourselves. This sounds very much like ubuntu.
Neither Nkandla nor Marikana give the impression that the ANC loves the
people. Malema is their new champion… in
the footsteps of Tommy Douglas.
Malema was recently asked about his own
“fat cat” lifestyle as leader of the ANCYL.
He credibly answered that he had simply adopted the culture of the
ANC. He added that the EFF abides by
different guidelines and he now accepts that a bling lifestyle is inconsistent
with the EFF’s pillars and goals. The
CCF also made mistakes. Some of its experiments
did not succeed. When he entered the
fray of national politics, Douglas did not even
always win in his own riding. Similarly,
Malema may have to sit out a season in the EFF office, not in parliament, for
legal reasons. He is young enough to
absorb this - even if it is caused by government manipulation - and not too old
to learn and change if it is not. Douglas was bitter the first time he lost in a riding, as
that was new to him. But he got past it
and moved on. You can lock up a mouse,
and a man – but you can’t lock up an idea.
Julius Malema is the only real contender on the Left in the 2014
election.
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